Alla Lazareva Editor-in-chief of The Ukrainian Week, Edition Française, head of international broadcasting, and Paris correspondent

Macron in the US: six takeaways

25 February 2025, 13:30

Those hoping for a miracle from the French president are probably feeling let down. But it’s always wise to keep expectations in check—less chance of disappointment that way. Emmanuel Macron did what he could within the limits of a reality far bigger than him. He’s neither a god nor a magician. Still, his visit to Washington offers some important lessons.

The biggest one? Democracy is never a given. It’s not irreversible, even in countries with deep-rooted traditions, let alone in those where it’s still relatively new. As flawed as it may be, democracy is still a far better option than autocracy, dictatorship, or feudalism. Everything is relative.

Then there’s the second takeaway: a U.S.-Russia alliance seems to be edging closer to inevitability. No matter how hard Macron tried, diplomacy can only do so much—especially when the other side has no interest in compromise.

At the very least, Macron is trying to jolt Europe awake—it’s been fumbling around in a daze for too long. He’s even managed to shake it a little. But the key player across the Atlantic is working even harder. The chances of Trump ditching his grand spectacle—one the whole world is watching—are slim. So far, it’s just talk. But there’s no sign he’s about to make a sharp U-turn in rhetoric, let alone shift to the opposite stance.

“Well, so be it,” said French political scientist Nicolas Tenzer at the Three Years of War in Ukraine: Results and Prospects conference, held on 24 February at the Paris Institute of Oriental Languages (l’INALCO). “It used to be three against two—Ukraine, the U.S., and Europe against Russia and China. Now it’ll be two against three. But we must keep fighting! Europe needs to stand united, and Ukraine has every chance of winning—if the EU backs it firmly and unanimously.”

“The EU has a population of over 500 million, while the U.S. has just 336 million. Together, Europeans outnumber Americans and could become even stronger.” That statistic, in different variations and from various speakers, was repeated throughout the event. Understanding the scale of this proportion is yet another key lesson from three years of full-scale war.

Freedom, like democracy, is never a given. Will the EU step up as a real geopolitical force? Will it defend its proclaimed values with action rather than rhetoric? This is one of the defining challenges of our time—one that will shape the future of Ukrainians, Europeans, and the world.

The fourth takeaway: international organisations like the UN, OSCE, and Council of Europe are increasingly little more than decorative relics. They serve as symbols of noble ideals, but when it comes to stopping predatory aggressors, only hard power matters. The key question now is whether Europe’s defence industry can rapidly shift to a wartime footing and, in partnership with Ukraine, ramp up production of advanced weaponry capable of defeating Russian, Iranian, and allied forces. The future of Europe—and beyond—depends on it.

“Europeans provide 60% of Ukraine’s aid—we’re spending real money,” Emmanuel Macron shot back at Donald Trump after the former US president claimed Europe was merely lending Ukraine funds in the hope of repayment. Macron also reaffirmed that France and the UK were prepared to send troops to Ukraine if necessary. But the talks made one thing clear: the US and French leaders see the end of the war very differently. Macron insists on a “just, lasting, and stable peace” for Ukraine. Trump, on the other hand, is in a hurry to push through a ceasefire he can chalk up as a personal victory.

So, what’s the fifth takeaway? That not everyone in long-established democracies is genuinely democratic. That imperial ambition isn’t just a Russian trait, and the urge to divide the world into “strong” and “weak” nations never really fades. That those whom the “strong ones” seek to relegate to the ranks of the “weak” will have to fight hard for their freedom—not just to survive, but to avoid becoming prey for bigger predators. And this isn’t just about Ukraine; it’s about Europe, too. Whatever Putin and Trump might agree on, the war will go on as long as there is the will to resist foreign aggression. This is the reality we live in now.

The sixth takeaway is the most obvious: in high politics, no one puts others’ interests ahead of their own. When the US extended a security umbrella to Europe through NATO, it did so because that aligned with Washington’s strategic priorities at the time. Now, with NATO seemingly on life support, that too reflects US interests—at least as Trump sees them. When Macron flew to Washington on the anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, it wasn’t just as “a friend” but, above all, as France’s president. He believes direct dialogue is the path to solutions because that’s how he sees his country’s core interests.

At this moment, the political puzzle is clear: Ukraine’s fight for survival is inextricably linked to Europe’s need to avoid slipping into irrelevance.

Whether EU leaders will seize this opportunity remains to be seen. Macron is working tirelessly to persuade others that they must. Ukraine’s resilience is his strongest card in these negotiations. Things may be shifting at lightning speed, but the chance for both Ukrainian and European agency hasn’t slipped away just yet. “Life goes on, and the war rages on.”

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