November 30 marked yet another, the eleventh, anniversary of the first dispersal of the Maidan popular protests in 2013. This violent crackdown was the spark that ignited the Revolution of Dignity, marking the beginning of blatant state betrayal by Ukraine’s top leadership and Russia’s open interference in Ukraine’s internal affairs. So, who is responsible, and who has been held accountable? How are the trials in the Maidan Cases, related to the events of November 30, progressing?
My name is Ira Didych, and I am the daughter of Serhiy Didych, a civic activist killed during the Revolution of Dignity. While I am neither a lawyer, journalist, nor investigator, and am not officially recognised as a victim in my father’s case, I have spent 11 years living with the Maidan cases, and they have become an inseparable part of my life. The information I share in this essay is publicly available on the social media pages of the Advocacy Advisory Panel, which represents Maidan victims, as well as on the websites of the Prosecutor General’s Office, the State Bureau of Investigation, and the personal pages of Maidan participants and the families of those who lost their lives.
What are the Maidan cases, and have the perpetrators been punished?
Ukraine’s Maidan Cases encompass a range of crimes committed against protesters, starting with the brutal dispersal on 30 November 2013 and continuing through the deadly events of 18–20 February 2014. During this period, around 4,000 crimes were committed, including violence against demonstrators, abuse of power, incitement of national hatred, illegal arrests, abductions, torture, and unlawful procurement and distribution of weapons. Among the most alarming offences were acts of treason in the service of the Russian Federation and subversive activities orchestrated by Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB) aimed at destabilising Ukraine.
Those facing charges include Ukraine’s former Berkut officers, judges, investigators, deputies, department heads from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Deputy Secretary of the National Security and Defence Council, the Head of the Security Service of Ukraine, the Minister of Internal Affairs, the President, and an FSB operative. This is just a partial list.
To date, over 200 criminal cases have been opened. Currently, 147 court proceedings are ongoing, with 305 defendants. Each month, 120–150 hearings related to the Maidan Cases are scheduled. However, 89 defendants have already evaded responsibility due to the expiration of the statute of limitations.
Why do courts allow delays and fail to deliver verdicts?
“The judicial system in Ukraine is set up in a way that if you want something to be delayed, you can simply do nothing—don’t intervene, don’t assist, and things will stall. That’s exactly what they [the accused – ed.] relied on. But when people come forward and push to move these cases forward, real resistance starts to appear. Not everyone fled after 2014. Some stayed, some formed alliances with the new government, and some had already been part of the system and needed protection,” explains Yevhenia Zakrevska, a lawyer for the families of the Heavenly Hundred [people killed by the security officers during the protests in 2014 in central Kyiv on February 20 – ed.] and a military officer.
The statute of limitations has expired for several Maidan cases, including the dispersal of protesters on 30 November 2013, the beatings on Bankova Street on 1 December, and the assault on Maidan on 11 December. It also covers incidents such as the revocation of driving licences for trips to Mezhyhirya on 29 December 2013, the events on Hrushevskogo Street in January 2014, and the assault on Automaidan members and protesters from the yellow bus on 23 January 2014. Other cases involve the beating of students from Karpenko-Kary University in January 2014, the beatings and illegal detentions of protesters on 18 February, the destruction of weapons used to kill people on Maidan, and the distribution of firearms to titushky [young hooligans, often local athletes, hired by the then-ruling Party of Regions to pose as anti-Maidan protesters – ed.] from Ministry of Internal Affairs warehouses. Among the cases from 30 November, those transferred to court include accusations against former Deputy Secretary of the National Security and Defence Council, Sivkovych, former Head of Kyiv City State Administration, Popov, former public safety heads of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, commanders of the 5th Kyiv Berkut unit, and their subordinates. This adds up to at least 36 defendants still awaiting a court verdict.
What happened on 30 November 2013?
The events began when Viktor Yanukovych, Ukraine’s then-president, refused to sign the EU association agreement at a summit in Vilnius. On 29 November, a large protest in support of the agreement took place on Maidan. After the metro closed, around 500 protesters remained near the Independence Monument.
At 4 a.m., materials for constructing a New Year’s tree, along with metal barriers, were brought to Maidan, which was soon surrounded by internal troops. Moments later, around 200 Berkut officers, armed with masks, plastic shields, and batons, descended from Instytutska Street onto Maidan and violently dispersed the peaceful assembly. That night, 35 people were detained, and hundreds of protesters were beaten.
By midday, thousands had gathered at St. Michael’s Square, marking the end of the Euromaidan protests and the beginning of the Revolution of Dignity.
The violent dispersal of protesters on 30 November was ordered by President Yanukovych and assigned to Interior Minister Zakharchenko and National Security and Defence Council (NSDC) Secretary Kliuyev. Kliuyev involved Deputy Secretary of the NSDC Sivkovych and Kyiv City State Administration Head Popov, while Zakharchenko engaged Kyiv police chief Koriak. Most of these individuals are now in Russia. The investigation has painstakingly reconstructed the plan and its execution step by step, hour by hour. However, in many of the Maidan cases related to this event, the statute of limitations—set at 10 years—has expired, preventing accountability for those responsible. The accused have filed motions to close the cases, and courts are dismissing them on non-exonerative grounds, meaning the individuals are neither acquitted nor found guilty.
Which cases were closed due to the statute of limitations?
Serhiy Boyko, former deputy head of the Public Safety Directorate in Kyiv’s Ministry of Internal Affairs; Serhiy Karandyuk, also a former deputy head; Vadym Betliy, a Kyiv Berkut officer, and Oleh Kozachyshyn, another Berkut officer, won’t face any punishment. Meanwhile, Oleksandr Popov, the former head of the Kyiv City State Administration, is trying to have his case closed due to the statute of limitations running out. Popov is accused of blocking gatherings and rallies unlawfully, working with others to use violence, and helping law enforcement abuse their power, leading to serious consequences. The case, involving one defendant and 84 victims, has been in court for 9 years, 1 month, and 9 days. Popov has denied the charges all along and wanted to clear his name in court. On 21 March 2024, the Shevchenkivskyi District Court dismissed his case, and on 30 September 2024, the Kyiv Court of Appeal upheld that decision. Now, the case is with the Supreme Court’s Cassation Court, which will decide whether it should really be closed.
Oleksandr Popov lives in Kyiv, where he’s a deputy in the Kyiv City Council and sits on the commission for housing, communal services, and the fuel and energy sector. His 2023 report covers the usual duties of a city council deputy—things like major repairs to shelters, replacing doors in several buildings, and resurfacing parts of Bazhana Avenue. Despite his controversial past, Popov still holds the “Order of Merit” First Class, awarded for his contributions to Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty, and international standing, as well as his work in state-building, socio-economic development, science, culture, and education, along with his ongoing service to the Ukrainian people.
Have there been any convictions in the Maidan cases from November 30?
There have been verdicts, but none of them are final yet since they’re still in appellate courts or under repeated review. This includes cases involving Kyiv Berkut officers like Ruslan Marchuk, Oleh Boiko, Serhii Loboda, Maksym Obmachivskyi, Vadym Shepel, and Dmytro Dereviankin.
But there is one verdict that should have already been final—except it hasn’t.
Back on June 14, 2021, the Shevchenkivskyi Court sentenced Berkut officers Viktor Eismont and Volodymyr Mokhon to three years in prison, plus a three-year ban from holding any law enforcement positions. The officers were found guilty of detaining Maksym Fediai during the crackdown on November 30, 2013, forcibly putting him in a police van, taking him to the Shevchenkivskyi police station, and filing a fake report. The court convicted them of abusing their authority, obstructing peaceful protests, using violence, and falsifying official documents. But, because of the statute of limitations, they were let off from serving their sentence for some of those crimes. They appealed, but on June 22, 2023, the appellate court upheld the conviction and the sentence. They were supposed to be taken into custody that day, but they weren’t.
Now, the case is with the Cassation Court of the Supreme Court, which will review it in early December. If they stick to the verdict, it’ll be the first actual conviction in the Maidan cases from November 30. According to the Office of the Prosecutor General, Eismont and Mokhon are still in Ukraine.
The other cases still go through the courts, and the prosecutor’s office continues announcing new charges.
In 2022, the State Bureau of Investigations brought the case of Volodymyr Sivkovych, the former deputy secretary of the National Security and Defense Council, to court. He’s accused of conspiring with Oleksandr Popov, the head of the Kyiv City State Administration, on November 30, 2013, to help the head of the Kyiv police, Korak, unlawfully block a peaceful protest on Maidan Nezalezhnosti. Sivkovych, who is currently in Russia, is being tried in absentia.
In 2024, Sivkovych was also informed that he was suspected of treason, allegedly acting in the interests of Russia’s leadership. He’s accused of playing a role in a Russian plot against Ukraine, including the unlawful use of force by law enforcement against peaceful protesters.
The investigation reveals that Sivkovych was recruited by Russia in the 1990s while working as an officer in the Soviet KGB and later the Russian FSB. He carried out tasks for the Russian government aimed at preventing Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration.
In October 2013, Sivkovych met with Nikolai Patrushev, Russia’s Security Council Secretary, in Odesa, where he was given further instructions to carry out subversive activities against Ukraine and suppress any protests in response to Ukraine’s decision not to sign the EU association agreement.
On November 30, 2013, Sivkovych put Russia’s plans into action during the violent crackdown on the Maidan protests. The Maidan cases are the first clear evidence of Russia’s direct interference in Ukraine’s internal affairs, showing that the aggression didn’t begin on February 24, 2022. These cases are part of the ongoing story of the Revolution of Dignity, but now it’s unfolding in the offices of prosecutors, in courts, and through changes to the law. It’s a long, difficult, and often disheartening battle to reform the system from within—one that is fiercely resisted but continues. This is what the Revolution of Dignity truly is.
For the changes to truly take hold, the Maidan cases need real verdicts. And for that to happen, they must become a cause that resonates with all of Ukrainian society—not just with a small group of protesters, the families of the fallen, lawyers, and prosecutors.
