Latvia has been among Ukraine’s most committed supporters since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion. Despite its size, the country ranks among the world’s top five donors when support is measured as a share of GDP, according to the Kiel Institute. What drives Latvia’s continued support for Ukraine? Which areas of cooperation does Riga see as the most important? Can Latvia’s own experience of joining the European Union offer something useful to Ukraine? And what will Latvia be looking for at the upcoming Ukraine Recovery Conference in Gdańsk, with Estonia set to host the event next year in Tallinn?
The Ukrainian Week discussed these questions with Juris Poikāns, who served as Latvia’s ambassador to Ukraine from 2015 to 2021 and now serves as the country’s Government Commissioner for the Reconstruction of Ukraine, about these and other issues.
— In a recent interview with Ukrinform, you said Latvia’s support for Ukraine rests on three main pillars: military assistance, energy security, and the reconstruction of Ukrainian infrastructure, particularly in the Chernihiv region. What are Latvia’s priorities when it comes to defence support? And is this relationship becoming increasingly two-way, with Ukraine sharing battlefield experience and expertise with countries that also face security threats from aggressive neighbours?
– Latvia has been one of Ukraine’s closest allies politically, militarily and economically, and that cooperation continues. On the military side, Ukraine’s experience, gained at such a tragic cost, is of enormous value to us. In terms of our support, Latvia allocates 0.25 per cent of its GDP every year to Ukraine’s security and defence. In practical terms, that amounts to around €130 million annually.
Estonia and Lithuania have adopted the same approach. We also support the PURL initiative, which provides military assistance to Ukraine through NATO. [The Prioritised Ukraine Requirements List, or PURL, enables partner countries to finance the purchase of U.S. weapons for Ukraine. — ed.] Latvia is actively involved in that effort and will continue to provide additional funding.
The third pillar is our bilateral cooperation, including at the political level. Most recently, [former – ed.] Prime Minister Yuliia Svyrydenko visited Latvia on 1–2 June. We used the visit to discuss our defence cooperation, reaffirm our commitment to working closely with Ukraine, and confirm that Latvia will continue allocating a quarter of one per cent of its GDP to support the country.
Today, Ukraine has a level of military experience that no other country in the world can match. For us, the most important thing is to understand that experience and learn from it. Air defence has become one of the main security challenges for every European country, and that is why Ukraine’s expertise in this field is so valuable to us — especially when it comes to countering drones.
— Latvia has made the Chernihiv region the focus of its support for Ukraine. What was behind that decision, and how did the region become such an important partner for Latvia?
— In 2016, I personally opened Latvia’s honorary consulate in the Chernihiv region. If I’m not mistaken, it remains the only representation of an EU country in Chernihiv to this day. The city is not far from Kyiv, and the Chernihiv region is geographically the closest part of Ukraine to Latvia. That meant we already had a foundation for cooperation. We had established partnerships between cities, including Chernihiv and Ogre, and Nizhyn and Preiļi. Chernihiv’s proximity to Kyiv also made it easier for our embassy to coordinate and oversee our work in the region.
Another important point is that Latvia is a small country, and compared with other Ukrainian regions, Chernihiv is also not among the largest. In that sense, the scale works well for us — we have the capacity to focus our efforts and make a real impact. I know different countries have chosen different approaches, but we decided that it was better to concentrate our support on one region. Estonia has taken a similar approach.
This allows us to work more effectively, especially because we can stay in regular contact with the regional Ukrainian administration. We also have one embassy diplomat who is responsible for following all of our projects in the Chernihiv region and making sure they move forward.
— Chernihiv is a challenging place to work: it is close to the Russian border and continues to face the risk of attacks. From Latvia’s perspective, what has worked well so far, and where do you see the biggest impact from the projects already delivered?
— Two months ago, I had the chance to visit the Chernihiv region and meet with the head of the Regional Military Administration, Viacheslav Chaus, to see for myself what we have achieved there. While I was serving in Poland, after my term as ambassador to Ukraine had ended, I did not have the opportunity to travel to the region. [After completing his posting in Ukraine, Juris Poikāns became Latvia’s ambassador to Poland. — ed.]
Our cooperation with the Chernihiv Regional Military Administration is very close. They know the region best, so they tell us where they see the biggest needs and where Latvian support could be most useful. Then we sit down together and decide where we can make the biggest difference.
These are not projects that are simply decided in Riga — they are something we develop together with our Ukrainian partners.
And when I see what has been achieved in Chernihiv with the support of the Latvian government, I do feel proud. We are helping rebuild hospitals and kindergartens, but we are also supporting projects such as centres that help protect women’s rights. One of the moments that made a strong impression on me was seeing the operating theatre at Chernihiv hospital after its renovation with Latvian support. It was a reminder that even in extremely difficult circumstances, we can provide real help to the doctors who continue doing their work every day. As you mentioned, Chernihiv is a border region, and that naturally makes everything more difficult. But that is also exactly why it is so important that we continue to support the region.
— Kharkiv has long-standing historical ties with Latvia — from Latvian-language newspapers once published there to the years Jānis Endzelīns spent teaching at Kharkiv University. How does Latvia see its role in supporting Kharkiv today? Will there be more targeted cooperation with the region, or will Chernihiv remain the main focus of Latvia’s efforts?
— During the First World War, as many as 15,000 Latvians lived in Kharkiv, and Latvian-language newspapers were published there as well. Kharkiv University also has a special significance for us: Jānis Endzelīns, considered the father of the modern Latvian language, taught there for more than a decade. I visited Kharkiv when I was the ambassador, and Latvia’s current ambassador also travels there regularly. We are now planning to open an honorary consulate in the city, which I believe will further strengthen our cooperation.
Our experience in Chernihiv showed how important that kind of local presence can be. If we had not opened an honorary consulate there, we might never have developed the joint projects that were already starting before Russia’s full-scale invasion — and we may not have chosen Chernihiv as our main focus of support. The consulate was an important first step.
As I mentioned, our ambassador is also very active in Kharkiv – we have already provided the city and recently liberated areas in the region with generators, communication equipment and fire engines. But focusing on Chernihiv does not mean that we are only working there. We continue to support other parts of Ukraine as well, and this is something our embassy and ambassador are both very committed to.
Once the honorary consulate is open, I think we will also start looking at how we can build more structured, long-term support for the Kharkiv region. For now, we are already helping where we can — providing generators, communication equipment and fire engines, while Latvian humanitarian organisations are also active in the city. We understand the situation there: Kharkiv is very close to the front line. At the same time, our cooperation is not only happening at the government level. There are also strong links between municipalities through sister-city partnerships. One example is Izium, which has a partnership with the Latvian town of Tukums.
— Latvia sees business as an important part of Ukraine’s recovery. Since the start of the full-scale war, have any Latvian companies taken the step of entering the Ukrainian market or expanding their presence there?
— Ukraine has long been a traditional partner for Latvia, and many of our largest companies have been working with Ukrainian partners for years. One example is our telecommunications company TET. Back in 2016, when I was serving as ambassador, I organised a joint seminar with TET’s management — the company was still known as Lattelecom at the time. Our national energy company, Latvenergo, has also been involved in projects in Ukraine.
After Russia’s full-scale invasion, FORTES, another Latvian energy company, decided to enter the Ukrainian market. The company produces cogeneration plants, and today two of its autonomous power generation units are already operating in the Lviv region.
FORTES’s solutions are particularly relevant for Ukraine today because we understand that the war is far from over and that the country’s energy system could face renewed pressure this winter. The company offers modern technologies to help address those challenges. Interestingly, FORTES currently sees Ukraine and Japan as its two priority markets.
— When Latvia looks at Ukraine’s reconstruction, how much of it is about business opportunities for Latvian companies, and how much is about solidarity and supporting Ukraine?
— I think there is always a business side to this relationship. We saw that again last month, when the 12th meeting of the Ukrainian-Latvian Intergovernmental Commission was held together with a business seminar. Our main companies were there, and there was a lot of interest from the business community.
I also regularly speak with Hennadii Chyzhykov, President of the Ukrainian Chamber of Commerce and Industry. Ukraine has been a partner for Latvia for many years. We are geographically close, our business cultures are quite similar, and there is a certain ease in the way our companies work with each other.
Once the war is over, I believe interest from Latvian businesses will naturally increase. Ukraine’s reconstruction will be a major long-term effort, and I think our companies — including those in the construction sector — will become more active in Ukraine.
At the same time, it is very important to remember that Latvian businesses did not walk away when the full-scale invasion began. The people I knew before the war are still in Kyiv. They stayed, they adapted, and they continue running their businesses in Ukraine.
If you look at the raw trade figures, Ukraine may not be Latvia’s largest trading partner — our trade turnover with Poland, for example, is significantly higher — but Ukraine has always been, and will remain, a traditional and important partner for us.
Now that discussions on Ukraine’s EU accession are moving forward, I believe interest will inevitably grow. As Ukraine aligns its legislation with EU rules, the business environment will become clearer and more predictable, making the market more attractive for European companies, including those from Latvia.
And that is without even mentioning tourism. Before the full-scale war, airBaltic had a strong presence in Ukraine, operating flights to both Kyiv and Lviv, with plans to expand further into eastern Ukraine. Latvenergo, the energy company I mentioned earlier, is also currently looking at possible investments in Ukraine.
— You mentioned Ukraine’s path towards EU membership. Does Latvia’s own experience of joining the European Union offer any lessons or practical advice that could help Ukraine along the way?
— When I was ambassador to Ukraine, we were involved in many so-called twinning projects, where a Ukrainian institution would work together with a counterpart from, for example, Latvia or Germany. If you compare which experience is more directly useful for Ukraine — that of Germany, which has been an EU member from the very beginning and has long-established institutions, or that of Latvia, which went through the transition from the Soviet system alongside Ukraine and faced many of the same challenges — I believe our experience is particularly relevant.
We share a common historical background, we can communicate in the same languages, and we understand the kinds of difficulties that arise during this process. Our experience is also relatively recent. Latvia joined the European Union only 20 years ago, and many of the people who worked on our EU accession process are still active in public life today.
One example is the Nordic-Baltic advisory group, where Latvia is represented by former foreign minister and former European Commissioner Andris Piebalgs. He speaks fluent English and Russian, and he understands the Ukrainian perspective well.
That is why I think the experience of countries like Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Poland and Slovakia can be especially useful for Ukraine. We went through this process not that long ago, so we remember many of the same challenges and difficulties. In some ways, our experience is probably closer to Ukraine’s reality today than that of countries that joined the EU six or seven decades ago.
— At the start of our conversation, you mentioned that Latvia commits 0.25% of its GDP to military support for Ukraine. That is a significant contribution for a country of Latvia’s size, especially as the war has now entered its fifth year. Has this level of support had any impact on public attitudes in Latvia?
— We certainly see these trends across the European Union. I speak with colleagues from other countries, and many of them acknowledge that maintaining public support is becoming increasingly challenging.
In the Baltic states, however, public support has remained broadly at the same level as it was during the first year of Russia’s full-scale aggression. Of course, the emotions are not quite as strong as they were four years ago, but the organisations that were active from the beginning continue their work with Ukraine today. Twitter Convoy and Entrepreneurs for Peace, for example, remain just as active as they were in the early stages of the war.
There is also still a clear understanding among Latvia’s political leadership — both in government and opposition — that supporting Ukraine is essential. Of course, there are some more marginal political forces that criticise our assistance, but we do not face the same level of debate seen in some other EU countries, where governments have to regularly justify to the public why they continue supporting Ukraine.
In Latvia, there is a broad recognition that this is not only Ukraine’s fight for its own future. It is also a struggle for the future of our region — and, potentially, for Europe as a whole.
Compared with many other EU countries, we also do not have populist political forces that could realistically come to power. In that sense, Latvia enjoys a certain degree of political stability. Of course, like any country, we have our own internal challenges, but our support for Ukraine remains unchanged.
Latvia will hold elections in October, but I am confident that our policy towards Ukraine will remain the same afterwards. We recently had a change of government, with a new prime minister, Andris Kulbergs, who previously served in the opposition. He was the one who met with Yuliia Svyrydenko during her visit to Riga, and the discussions took place in exactly the same spirit as they had under the previous government.
So, from Latvia’s perspective, there is no change — our support for Ukraine remains firm.
— The next Ukraine Recovery Conference will take place in Gdańsk in three weeks, with Tallinn set to host the event next year. As part of the Nordic-Baltic group, Latvia will be involved in shaping the agenda. What will Riga be looking to bring to the table?
— It is a positive sign that Latvia’s new Prime Minister, Andris Kulbergs, will take part in this year’s conference. It shows the political importance we attach to the event. Latvian companies that already work with Ukraine — or are looking to become involved — will also be represented there. Poland has played a major role in supporting Ukraine, and this conference is another reflection of that commitment.
It is also encouraging that next year’s conference will take place in Tallinn. Estonia is a close ally and friend of both Latvia and Ukraine.
From what I understand, Estonia wants to give the Nordic and Baltic countries — the so-called Nordic-Baltic Eight (NB8) — a more prominent role in the conference. In other words, Estonia sees this not only as a national initiative, but as a joint effort by the region. The NB8 brings together Sweden, Denmark, Norway and the other Nordic and Baltic countries, all of which, in my view, are among Ukraine’s strongest supporters.
As for the discussions in Tallinn, much will depend on where the situation stands next year. But I believe the five main areas that are on the agenda in Gdańsk — including military support, social issues and reconstruction — will remain just as important.
As you know, Poland has added a new element to this year’s conference agenda: defence technology. I am convinced that this is an area of growing interest for other EU countries as well, and I expect it will remain an important focus when the conference moves to Estonia. At the same time, Tallinn’s priorities will naturally depend on how the geopolitical situation in Ukraine develops by then.
For now, the most important thing is that the Gdańsk conference sends a clear and united political message of support for Ukraine. It is also essential that EU leaders participate at the highest level. But beyond the political message, the conference also needs to deliver practical results. For example, we are currently working with the Irish government on a joint initiative to support the Chernihiv region. I hope that we will be able to announce a concrete and positive step in this area during the Gdańsk conference.
Everyone taking part in the conference understands that Ukraine’s reconstruction will be a long-term effort. But for now, the priority is ending the war — and that requires continued support for Ukraine. Without that support, the war will not end, because, as we can see, Russia has no real interest in bringing it to a close. As long as that remains the case, we have to do everything possible to ensure that Ukraine can withstand the war and emerge from it stronger.
That is why the Gdańsk conference needs to send a strong political and economic message that support for Ukraine remains unchanged. The same work will continue in Tallinn next year. Each Ukraine Recovery Conference builds on the previous one. As our Polish colleagues often point out, the organisers in Gdańsk are drawing on the experience of Italy and all the countries that have hosted the conference before. Estonia will now take that experience forward and build on what is achieved in Gdańsk. Latvia, as both a close ally of Ukraine and a friend of Estonia, will be ready to support our Estonian partners in preparing next year’s conference.
