In Hungary’s parliamentary election on April 12, which drew a record turnout of more than 77%, the opposition Tisza party, led by Péter Magyar, scored a decisive win. With 99% of the vote counted, Hungary’s election commission said Tisza had secured 138 seats in parliament and 53% of the party-list vote. Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party — backed by Russia and Donald Trump — was defeated. Orbán conceded and congratulated Magyar.
“What stands out most is the scale of Fidesz’s losses in single-member constituencies, which Orbán had heavily relied on. Preliminary results suggested Tisza will hold 138 seats, giving it a constitutional majority — in other words, the ability to pass decisions on its own in Hungary’s National Assembly. That effectively means Orbán’s party, even together with Mi Hazánk, which also cleared the 5% threshold, will not be able to consistently block Tisza’s decisions in parliament,” Illia Yurchyna, a junior analyst at the Foreign Policy Council ‘Ukrainian Prism’, told The Ukrainian Week.
Politico reported that while Orbán’s defeat is a setback for the White House, the outcome may also serve as a warning to Donald Trump’s opponents — the Democrats. “This reflects a broader pattern of disruptive politics — the rise of reformist figures who build new parties, break apart old ones, and win by making traditional political structures look outdated. Hungarian politician Péter Magyar is the latest example. There is no comparable figure among Trump’s opponents in the United States,” the article notes.
The publication adds that the U.S. party system is highly resistant to shocks, making it nearly impossible to replicate what Magyar achieved in Hungary — turning a new political force into a personal vehicle and quickly bringing it to power nationwide. In the United States, there are no smaller parties capable of breaking through in a single campaign.
“However, as Trump himself has shown, it is possible to take over a major party from within — by mobilising grassroots support, sidelining entrenched leaders, reshaping the party’s image, and winning over voters disillusioned with its old form. Mark Carney did something similar in Canada, albeit with a very different political agenda. Lee Jae-myung followed a similar path in South Korea,” the publication writes, adding that the strongest successor to Trump — regardless of party — is unlikely to be a career politician waiting their turn, but rather someone prepared to seize that role through radical change and political struggle.
What does Magyar’s victory mean for Ukraine?
Magyar visited Kyiv in July 2024, shortly after a Russian strike on the Okhmatdyt children’s hospital, bringing humanitarian aid collected by his party. “Russia is the aggressor, and Ukraine has the right to defend its territory,” he said at the time. He also criticised Orbán’s frequent meetings with Vladimir Putin, calling them “one dictator visiting another.”
However, Illia Yurchyna says Magyar is not a pro-Ukrainian politician, and repairing Ukraine’s image in Hungary after years of anti-Ukrainian rhetoric under Orbán is not among his priorities.
“His main focus after forming a government will be rebuilding ties with the EU — in particular, implementing the reforms needed to unlock frozen funding from Brussels. Those funds are crucial for pushing through other reforms that need to be visible to the public. How ordinary Hungarians feel those changes will be key in determining whether Fidesz can return to power in four years on a wave of revanchism and public discontent. Tisza will try to minimise that risk, and for that it needs strong relations with Brussels,” Illia Yurchyna told The Ukrainian Week.
For Ukraine, at the very least, this points to a shift: Hungary is likely to gradually stop creating obstacles for Kyiv within the EU. “The policy of vetoing everything related to Ukraine will be dropped, and Hungary will move closer to the European mainstream in its approach to Kyiv. That said, we shouldn’t expect vocal support — at this stage, the fact that Hungary won’t create additional hurdles is already a positive. Ukraine’s EU accession is a more complicated issue, as Magyar opposes a fast-track process. He said as much before the election and supports full, step-by-step compliance with the Copenhagen criteria,” Illia Yurchyna explained.
He adds that Kyiv should not expect any abrupt shifts from Magyar. Hungarian society remains deeply polarised on Ukraine, making the issue politically sensitive in the early stages. The anti-Ukrainian rhetoric pushed by Fidesz has only deepened those divisions.
“At the same time, the issue of the Hungarian minority in Zakarpattia, which Orbán’s government has used as a tool of pressure on Ukraine, should be taken off the agenda. Overall, talks with Hungary may finally become more substantive, but that does not make them any easier. Still, there is a real chance for constructive negotiations and, as a result, the possibility of unblocking the first negotiation cluster for Ukraine’s EU accession. Had Viktor Orbán remained in power, these prospects would not even be on the table,” Yurchyna told The Ukrainian Week.
