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Previous Publications
On pacifism as a servant of the aggressor
15 July, 2019   ▪   Yuriy Makarov
The language bill, passed by the Ukrainian parliament in the end of April, has had many important aspects left out. Many of those were important features that would allow this legislation to enable effective Ukrainisation of the public sphere in Ukraine
10 July, 2019   ▪   Oleksandr Kramar
Do we stand a chance to win a battle for social networks?
1 July, 2019   ▪   Yuriy Lapayev
Why results of the Ukrainian presidential elections absolutely do not mean Ukrainians’ desire for a shift in foreign policy?
27 June, 2019   ▪   Oleksandr Kramar
Will Zelenskiy be in charge of previous regime’s political revenge?
25 June, 2019   ▪   Roman Malko
The new President’s first steps create quite a few potential problems for himself first and foremost. Potential successes are harder to see
23 June, 2019   ▪   Andriy Holub
What likelihood of the pro-Russian forces returning to power is and where to expect the first strike from
19 June, 2019   ▪   Maksym Vikhrov
The role of social networks in the events of 2014 and nowadays
6 June, 2019   ▪   Denys Kazanskyi
Ukrainians must recognize the achievements of the last five years and not give into backsliding
27 May, 2019   ▪   Maksym Vikhrov
Reactions to Zelenskiy’s victory in Russia
26 May, 2019   ▪   Denys Kazanskyi
There are limits to the possible in domestic politics and Volodymyr Zelenskiy should not stretch them
24 May, 2019   ▪   Maksym Vikhrov
Why the Zelenskiy's team needs to be careful not to torpedo the processes of economic and political emancipation from Russia
22 May, 2019   ▪   Oleksandr Kramar
Volodymyr Zelenskiy won the election but he’s still being mysterious about his team, promising “new faces.” This is nothing new in Ukraine’s history, and new hasn’t always meant better
15 May, 2019   ▪   Andriy Holub
How current and the next state leaders use the timeout
13 May, 2019   ▪   Roman Malko
How Donbas elected president after almost a decade break
21 April, 2019   ▪   Yelyzaveta Honcharova
Why sympathy with Russia is a threat for Ukraine and how it can be diminished
19 April, 2019   ▪   Maksym Vikhrov
Why the development of political marketing can make democracy in Ukraine a threat to national security
15 April, 2019   ▪   Maksym Vikhrov
Electoral preferences according to the map
28 March, 2019   ▪   Roman Malko
What measures Europe can apply to former ISIS militants
22 March, 2019   ▪   Michael Binyon
What makes it so hard to assess the impact of the Revolution of Dignity on Ukrainian society today
18 March, 2019   ▪   Andriy Holub
What are the main candidates for president proposing in their platforms and how have these changed from what they proposed five years ago
15 March, 2019   ▪   Andriy Holub
Why Ukraine’s parties are not social lifts and will never be, so unless they change fundamentally
13 March, 2019   ▪   Roman Malko
Parliament and Ukrainian presidential election: action and reaction
11 March, 2019   ▪   Roman Malko
How Russia is using foreigners to spark conflict in Zakarpattia
6 March, 2019   ▪   Denys Kazanskyi
Why Ukrainians think the situation in their country is worse than it really is and what can be done about this
23 February, 2019   ▪   Maksym Vikhrov
What will be the impact of Ukrainian elections on the parliament?
11 February, 2019   ▪   Roman Malko
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The culture of 'Muscovite Rus' came to form from two heterogeneous sources. The seed of the religious and artistic culture reached Muscovy from southeastern Europe (Byzantium, the Balkans) through Kyiv. On the other hand, the foundation of the political and legal culture came to Muscovy from 'Ulus Jöchi', better known as the Golden Horde. As a result, the Russian "spiritual culture" took the shape of a familiar European facade, behind which a non-European state infrastructure hid.
7 April, ,
German chancellor Olaf Scholz says Putin’s comments on US biological weapons seemed like an ‘implicit threat’
23 March, ,
It is us, Ukrainians, and all the citizens of this country, who must keep studying our own history. To defend our land and our country, we must know it better.
20 March, ,
86.6% of Russians tolerate and support the potential assault on the territory of the European Union, including: Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and others as evidenced by the results of the sociological survey conducted by “Active Group”
18 March, ,
 
 
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