On 15-16 June, Ukraine will host the first Global Peace Summit in Switzerland, aimed at discussing a return to a world order once established by the UN Charter and international law. More than 90 countries have already confirmed their participation, including several that maintain a moderate stance, characterised by a sort of “positive indifference,” toward condemning Russia’s unprovoked aggression against Ukraine.
Over the past two years since the beginning of the full-scale Russian invasion, Ukrainian diplomats have crafted compelling messages for their Western partners, whose support is crucial for the country’s ability to resist Russia’s military aggression. These messages emphasise the defence of Western and the entire democratic world values, insist that Ukraine’s fate is deeply intertwined with the future outcome of the Russian-Ukrainian war, and advocate for Ukraine’s reintegration into the European community.
Outside the modern Western world, these narratives are perceived differently. Many countries grapple with their colonial histories and have contentious recent episodes.
At the 2023 EU-CELAC summit, Ralph Gonsalves, Prime Minister of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, leading the delegation, called for talks on economic reparations for many decades of Western colonialism and slavery, which enriched Western Europe.
In addition to anti-American sentiments, these attitudes require adapting rhetoric to regional contexts. Issues such as achieving a just and sustainable peace in Ukraine, ensuring global food security, addressing the aftermath of ecocide, and establishing a rules-based world order require global consensus, which remains elusive.
Therefore, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine has intensified strategic dialogue with countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America — collectively known as the “non-Western world”. It is worth noting that this widely accepted synonym for the term “Global South” is not the best terminological solution. It seemingly carries connotations of lack of agency, inequality, ideological antagonism, and “blindness” to diversity across at least four continents.
The Ukraine-Russia standoff in Latin America
Last year, Volodymyr Zelensky travelled to Argentina for the inauguration of President Javier Milei, where he also held meetings with the presidents of Ecuador, Uruguay, and Paraguay. This marked the first such high-level visit since 2011. Additionally, this year, the Verkhovna Rada established an inter-factional parliamentary group called “Ukraine – Latin American and Caribbean States: Cooperation for the Future,” which is slated to operate until 2026.
In late May, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs unveiled Ukraine’s inaugural Communication Strategy, “Ukraine – Latin American and Caribbean States,” aimed at positioning Ukraine as a “trustworthy, dependable, and robust political and economic partner in the region.” Minister Kuleba views this initiative as the start of a systematic approach that promises fruitful outcomes in the medium and long term.
Latin America comprises 33 countries with a combined population of approximately 650 million, accounting for roughly 10% of the global population. Currently, Ukrainian diplomatic missions operate in just six countries within the region—Argentina, Brazil, Cuba, Mexico, Peru, and Chile—which also manage communications with neighbouring nations. As per the government’s strategy, embassies are set to open in Colombia, Panama, Guyana, Paraguay, and Uruguay by 2024, prioritising the first two in a diplomatic expansion plan dating back to 1993.
Despite Ukraine’s limited diplomatic representation in the region, 25 countries have consistently supported resolutions concerning Ukraine at the UN.
Notably, only Nicaragua, Bolivia, Cuba, Venezuela, and El Salvador—historically aligned with Russia—did not back the resolution condemning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in the 2022 UN General Assembly, nor the resolution affirming Ukraine’s territorial integrity in 2023.
Bolivian President Luis Arce consistently opposes what he sees as the US’s attempts to establish hegemony, criticising the US for prioritising militarism over diplomacy. This stance illustrates how anti-American sentiment in the region plays well into Russia’s hands. Moreover, many countries in Latin America view Russia as a crucial trade partner.
In the past year, the US State Department published a report exposing Russia’s funding of a significant disinformation campaign across Latin America. The aim was to diminish support for Ukraine while spreading anti-American and anti-NATO sentiments. This campaign was orchestrated by Russian entities like the Agency for Social Design, the Internet Development Institute, and Structura. They operated through a network of proxy sites, individuals, and local organisations, masquerading as independent news sources. These efforts tailored pro-Kremlin narratives to resonate within local contexts.
Russian embassies across Latin America actively promote aggressive pro-Russian narratives and forge partnerships with local media and journalists.
Channels like RT Actualidad (the Russia Today in Spanish), Sputnik Mundo, and the government-owned TeleSur television network are pivotal in shaping public opinion. Their primary goal is to persuade Latin American audiences that Russia’s actions in Ukraine are justified and to encourage regional countries to align with Russia against neo-colonialism and neo-imperialism. In reality, however, the Kremlin’s agenda threatens democratic progress in the region, bolstering autocratic regimes instead.
Therefore, Ukraine must counterbalance this narrative by exposing Russia’s aggression, portraying itself as a dependable partner sharing common values, and dispelling misleading Russian claims. Yet, navigating the region’s fragmented and polarized landscape poses challenges, demanding careful avoidance of divisive issues.
The narratives that resonate in the region are shared values of freedom and independence, support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, protection of human rights, return of abducted children, restoration of justice, environmental protection, and combating the consequences of ecocide, as well as fighting the oppression of indigenous peoples and countering repressive regimes. Additionally, it is crucial to highlight the connection between Russian aggression and the global food crisis and to explain Ukraine’s role in addressing it.
Ukraine is actively strengthening economic ties, advancing expert diplomacy, and fostering networks of think tanks to safeguard its interests in Latin America. During a meeting with Ukrainian diaspora representatives in Argentina, President Zelensky urged all Ukrainians across Latin America to unite in support of Ukraine’s cause.
Ukrainian diplomats strategically leverage cultural and historical connections. For instance, they highlight Ukrainians’ contributions to the development of countries across the continent. Roberto Kozak, an Argentinian engineer turned diplomat of Ukrainian descent, is likened to Chile’s Oskar Schindler for aiding political prisoners after the 1973 Chilean coup. Alfonso Antonyuk, a prominent surgeon, philanthropist, and public figure, is revered in Brazil.
Modern ties between Ukraine and Latin America are exemplified by figures like Gustavo Grobocopatel, a leading agricultural producer in Argentina with extensive farmland across Argentina, Uruguay, and Paraguay, and Oscar Pablo Dudik, a member of Chaco Province’s Chamber of Deputies and an ethnic Ukrainian. Regrettably, Ukrainian diasporas in Latin America face resource constraints and are underrepresented in political circles.
Ukraine also aims to establish a network of journalists and influencers across Latin American countries to create effective communication channels with local audiences. This summer, Kyiv hosted a visit by nine Latin American journalists who authored numerous articles covering topics such as life under the endless Russian shelling, the evolving dynamics of the war, collaboration in defence industries, reconstruction efforts, and their discussions with Ukraine’s President and First Lady. They’ve frequently discussed Russia’s influence and expressed hopes that Latin American nations would refrain from endorsing Kremlin policies.
Despite this, Presidents of Brazil and Peru have opted not to participate in the Peace Summit. Moreover, the proposed China-Brazil peace plan clearly contradicts Ukraine’s interests. Consequently, conducting separate meetings with Latin American representatives during the Global Peace Summit becomes a strategically vital task.
Simultaneously, Ukraine is contemplating a media campaign to promote the Ukraine-Latin America Summit and President Zelensky’s Peace Plan as crucial steps towards ending the conflict and forging a peaceful and equitable future for Ukraine and the global community. Nevertheless, each of Ukraine’s diplomatic missions currently operates with only one staff member responsible for media communications, balancing these duties alongside other functions.
Given its limited resources, Ukraine needs to explore creative approaches. One strategy is to support collaborations among artists to create thematic murals in Latin American countries. The Ukrainian Institute facilitated a joint project between Brazilian artists Eduardo Kobra and Ukrainian artist Sasha Korban, resulting in a large-scale mural in São Paulo’s Pinheiros district.
Other promising initiatives include fostering partnerships through the promotion of sports and esports, as well as engaging in dialogue with graduates of Ukrainian universities in Latin America, particularly those who wield influence or are opinion leaders within their communities.
European studies in Latin America should include Ukraine, and countries like Portugal and Spain, as well as nations in Northern and Eastern Europe, can help advance the perception of Ukraine overseas as a European nation.
Given that young people make up approximately 30% of the Latin American population, social media serves as a crucial tool for communication. A group of Latin American citizens advocating against one country invading another have launched the #AGUANTAUCRANIA (“Ukraine, hold on”) campaign. Across platforms such as Instagram and Facebook, civic and cultural figures from Latin America are articulating reasons why Ukraine deserves support in resisting Russia’s unjust aggression.
Additionally, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine has launched an informational platform about the war in Ukraine, available in nine languages to foreign audiences. According to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the platform serves as a live documentation tool of the ongoing war that is easily accessible to the entire world. In two years, the platform has already recorded over 2 billion interactions.
Martin Idalgo from El Comercio, a journalist who was part of the Latin American delegation visiting Ukraine in 2023, believes that initially, there was strong public support for Ukraine in Latin America. However, this support gradually waned as the war dragged on and attention shifted towards internal issues. Meanwhile, Russia has been bolstering its presence and influence at decision-making levels, while Ukraine has only recently been making strides in this direction.
Gustavo Sierra, an Argentinian journalist, noted that in Argentina, over 80% of informed intellectual and public circles express solidarity with Ukraine. However, a minority, particularly supporters of Kirchnerist Peronism, lean towards Putin, influenced by populist nationalism and anti-American sentiments. He suggests that optimal cooperation between Argentina and Ukraine in producing drone components and military equipment could not only aid Argentina’s economic recovery but also enhance public support for Ukraine’s cause.
Currently, Ukraine’s communicators, including embassies, consulates, churches, media, bloggers, and cultural centres, must adopt a proactive rather than reactive stance. Proactive engagement, unique approaches tailored to each country, and positioning Ukraine as an Eastern European (not Western) nation should work in Ukraine’s favour. The key question posed to Latin American countries is simple and concise: do we want to live in a world where stronger countries can violate weaker countries’ territorial boundaries without consequences? After all, Venezuela recently considered redrawing Guyana’s borders.
